Political left 'at a crossroads'

2008-09-10 14:16

Johannesburg - The political left in South Africa is at a crossroads in the history of its revolution, according to the SA Communist Party's policy conference discussion document released on Wednesday.

"As the NLM [National Liberation Movement] movement prepares for elections in the first half of next year, and as we face the many new possibilities but also challenges that have emerged since the ANC's 52nd National Conference, the question of state power and the role of the SACP in this regard have become even more critical.

"Both the opportunities and the dangers have escalated. The SACP has a major role to play in the current context and much depends on our ability to rise to the occasion," the document said.

Many important positive resolutions were adopted at Polokwane, and there was generally a much improved policy-making engagement within the African National Congress, SACP and Congress of SA Trade Unions (Cosatu) alliance.

Challenges, threats

However, the document said there were many challenges and threats.

The ANC, in particular, continued to be beset with very serious factional crises and these continually spilled over into its alliance partners.

The capacity of the ANC to run an effective election campaign or to provide strategic leadership under these conditions, and if not immediately addressed, could be impaired.

Among other things, there were also "fight back" initiatives in some quarters, seeking to undermine the progressive outcomes of Polokwane.

There was rank opportunism in some quarters - either by those who regarded themselves "Polokwane victors" and who sought to advance not the policy positions agreed at conference but their own personal careers.

There were also those who were suddenly crossing the floor and becoming zealots of the "new cause".

And, at the back of all of this, was the sheer power and tactical flexibility of the capitalist class within society, according to the documents.

Potential scenarios

The current post-Polokwane reality contained at least two contradictory potential scenarios.

Firstly, a scenario in which the many positive features of Polokwane - the opening up of democratic space, the consolidation of fresh policy, the rebuilding of mass campaigning and organisation were all taken forward.

Secondly, a negative scenario in which the left failed to hegemonise the post-Polokwane reality, and instead (and particularly after national elections in 2009) a new alliance of "1996 class project floor-crossers", "compradorists" and "fugitives from justice" coalesced around a programme of awarding influential posts, tenders and contracts to themselves, while the factional destabilisation (and not democratic transformation) of the state, including the criminal justice system, persisted.

If the latter scenario prevailed, the left would be used for the electoral campaign and then dumped, with some individuals co-opted, while the rest were marginalised, perhaps more brutally than before.

"We are, therefore, at the crossroads in the history of our revolution. The conjuncture is full of real space for consolidating an effective, progressive, programmatic approach to state power.

"However, the space opened up by Polokwane can also be squandered and the opportunity lost," the document said.

Two possible electoral 'modalities'

The struggle to ensure the hegemony of the left in the present reality made it imperative that the SACP return to the subject of the party and state power.

The two general possible electoral "modalities" for the party in 2009, were firstly, independent [SACP] electoral lists on the voter's roll with the possible objective of constituting a coalition alliance agreement post-elections.

Alternatively, an electoral pact with the alliance partners, which could include agreement on deployments, possible quotas, the accountability of elected representatives, including the accountability of SACP cadres to the party, the election manifesto, and the importance of an independent face and role for the SACP and its cadres within legislatures.

In practice (at least for the prospective national/provincial elections of 2009), the SACP had already chosen this latter option.

Already the SACP was actively participating in the ANC-led election campaign planning, election manifesto preparations, and related policy-development processes.

This did not mean that the alternative option of an independent SACP electoral list should quietly and now forever disappear from the table, the document said.

Already one SACP province had indicated its intention to argue for an independent SACP electoral list in the next round of local elections.

The modality of the SACP's engagement with elections was not a matter of timeless principle, but something that needed to be periodically analysed and evaluated in the light of potentially shifting realities.

"However, if indeed we are serious and sincere about an ANC-led election campaign in 2009, then it is critical that we should not be ambiguous, or send mixed signals about this over the coming eight or so months.

"On the other hand, this certainly does not mean that the SACP should simply give the ANC a "blank cheque" - 100% party support and activist effort, but without any serious party influence or impact on the campaign and beyond," the document says.

- SAPA